By Shaykh Rasul Jafariyan¹

Translated by Sayyid Ali Imran

With the ascension of Shah Abbas I in 996 AH (1588 CE), two prominent scholars, Sheikh Baha’i and Mir Damad, played significant roles in the Safavid state. Among them, Mir Damad was originally from Astarabad, and his father was the son-in-law of Muhaqqiq Karaki and one of his students in Najaf. This dual heritage positioned his intellectual foundations between Astarabad and Najaf.

This article seeks to explore the extent to which Mir Damad’s legacy was shaped by Astarabad. However, we lack clear historical and biographical information on this matter. Can we rely on alternative sources to investigate this question? This work, prepared for a lecture rather than as a formal article, aims to address this inquiry.

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Introduction: From Shia Jurist to Safavid King

Based on historical texts, it is important to clearly state at the outset that Mir Damad (970 – 24th Sha’ban 1040 AH) was in service to the Safavid state. Like many other scholars of his time—at least outwardly—he refrained from criticism and consistently praised the Safavid dynasty. This dynamic stemmed from the fact that the Safavid state was built upon the collaboration of two key groups: religion and governance, which mutually reinforced one another. This relationship is evident in the prefaces of works from that era, where praise for the Prophet Muhammad (p), Imam Ali (a), and the “Shah” is a common theme.

In introducing the preface of Jadhawat by Mir Damad, it must be noted that he spent most of his scholarly and leadership career during the reign of Shah Abbas I. He was enamoured with the king and used his literary flair to defend him. Mir Damad’s prose, particularly his adept use of archaic words and creation of new forms, is exemplary, as seen in the preface of Jadhawat. His writings, often infused with mystical themes and unique structures, demonstrate his literary prowess.

He begins with poetry in praise of Imam Ali (a):

O banner of the nation and breath of the Messenger,
The ring of intellect bows to your knowledge.
O you through whom the book of existence was sealed,
And through whom the reckoning of existence was resolved.

… The divine keeper of the Revelation’s descent,
The celestial interpreter of its meaning.
Since you were titled ‘Abu Turab,’
The nine heavens drank water from the earth’s stream.

From praising Imam Ali (a), Mir Damad transitions directly to Shah Abbas:

The champion of the celestial spheres, the king whose noble decrees mirror the heavens,
The monarch whose reign fortifies the elements of the world and the balance of justice and benevolence,
The sovereign of the Islamic nation, the protector of the sacred essence of true religion,
The illuminator of the order of creation,
The ruler of the domains of knowledge and wisdom,
The sultan of sultans, the master of masters, the great Abbas,
A just king whose justice rebuilt the world anew.

O Allah, as You have strengthened him with Your help to support Your servants, safeguard Your lands, uphold Your religion, and knead the dough of Your unity,
Then assist him with Your supreme armies and fortify him in Your dominant ranks.

… May the enduring span of his years,
Be counted in cycles of countless ages.²

In this poetry, Mir Damad makes specific references to millenarianism. He then speaks of the “Sinai of Abbasi glory” and “the eternal spiritual Abbasabad,” following a passage in which he praises himself (pp. 6–7), which has also been analyzed in this context.

What is the Relationship Between Mir Damad and the Safavid State?

Years ago, I wrote a book on the story of the Karaki family.³ This family, which became linked to the Sayyids of Astarabad, served the Safavid state in such a way that most of Karaki’s granddaughters were closely associated with or part of the Safavid court. Naturally, like Karaki himself, who supported the state, his two sons and granddaughters all remained aligned with the Safavid regime.

Of Karaki’s five daughters, two married Sayyid Shams al-Din Husayni Astarabadi. After the death of one, the other was married to him. Mir Damad was born from this second daughter. Other descendants of Karaki also became notable. Mir Sayyid Ahmad Alawi, the son of Sayyid Zayn al-Abidin Alawi Karaki (another son-in-law of Karaki), is one example. Sayyid Husayn Karaki, who played a significant role during the late reign of Shah Tahmasb and the transitional period, was another grandson through Karaki’s son-in-law. His descendants include Habibullah Sadr and many other scholars who held positions of leadership, such as judiciary and vizierate. This branch is the strongest among Karaki’s descendants.

However, the lineage of Mir Damad also forms its own distinct branch, about which much has been written.

What is significant for our discussion is the role of this family—predominantly Iranian, Jabal Amili, and largely Sayyid—in shaping the Safavid era and its aftermath. Mir Damad, on one hand, was the paternal grandson of an Astarabadi, Sayyid Muhammad Damad Astarabadi, and, on the other hand, the maternal grandson of a Najafi scholar of Karaki origin. Thus, in terms of “migration and the transfer of ideas,” Mir Damad must have drawn intellectual influences from two schools: the Astarabad school and the Najaf school. These influences merged with Mir Damad’s own reflections and ideas, shaping his unique philosophy, which later came to be known as the Mir Damadi School or the Hikmat-e Yamani.

Unfortunately, we do not have much information about Shams al-Din Muhammad Astarabadi. The following statement by Shaykh Agha Bozorg, quoting Riyadh, sheds some light on Mir Damad’s father:

Muhammad al-Astarabadi: Mir Shams al-Din al-Husayni al-Damad, so named because he was the son-in-law of Muhaqqiq Karaki through his two daughters. Mir Muhammad Baqir al-Damad was born from his second daughter, whom he married after the first, by the Prophet’s (p) command to Muhaqqiq Karaki in a dream, as detailed in Riyadh al-Shu’ara by Ali Quli Khan Walih, known as Bashsh Angushti Daghestani, as quoted in Riyadh.

The Necessity of Analyzing Intertextuality in Mir Damad’s Works

When studying Mir Damad’s ideas, we naturally turn to his writings, as this is the most logical approach. One reason for this is that our historical knowledge about his early academic education, places of study, and teachers is incomplete and must be reconstructed from his works. To date, dozens of books and hundreds of articles have been written about Mir Damad and his ideas. Despite some repetition, these studies have made significant progress. Identifying the novel ideas in his works, understanding the terminology he employs, the sources he references, and the methods he uses in his discussions are all necessary steps to determine his place in the “history of thought.”

These tasks have been addressed in various articles, books, and introductions to Mir Damad’s works. However, there remains a lack of application of modern research tools in these studies.

Currently, the study of intellectual history relies on two key methodological concepts: time and language. The first involves understanding the historical, cultural, and contextual conditions under which these intellectual products were created, including the political, social, economic, and even international conditions of Iran at the time, its interactions with neighbouring countries, religious disputes, and, more importantly, the background and state of prevailing intellectual and philosophical currents.

The second aspect is the language Mir Damad uses, including its literary or rhetorical dimensions. Key questions include: Where did this language and its terminology originate? What intellectual traditions inform these terms? Is the language primarily philosophical or theological? Which schools of thought influenced it? To what extent does mystical language permeate his writings?

Although I am not a specialist in this area, I have reviewed the articles in special volumes of Kitab Guzar. These writings often neglect the importance of time and language, addressing them sporadically and inconsistently at best. There is no way forward except to compare Mir Damad’s ideas with those of his contemporaries, such as Sheikh Baha’i, and the generation of his students, including Mulla Sadra. Unfortunately, we lack substantial information about his teachers. Similarly, the ambiguity surrounding his connection to the Hurufi ideas of the Astarabadi school persists.

To study Mir Damad’s works effectively, we must employ advanced tools for text analysis. We cannot simply read the texts superficially and make generalizations. Intertextuality, or the study of the relationships between texts, is essential. This requires tools from linguistics, as well as literary, historical, and cultural studies. This approach, known as intertextuality, has various forms, with linguistic and etymological analyses being among its most critical aspects.

For example, understanding how a text like Jadhawat, Taqwim al-Iman, or Qabasat is composed, determining the exact sources and references for its components, and identifying how these sources influenced the newly-formed text by Mir Damad is essential. This analysis is not limited to words and terms but extends to the structure of sentences, the governing systems of expression, and even the philosophical roots of specific terms or phrases. These elements play a significant role in the rhetorical, literary, and stylistic features of Mir Damad’s texts.

Mir Damad and Hurufi Thought

While we lack detailed information about Mir Damad’s early education in Astarabad, we have access to his works and are familiar with some individuals close to him. Astarabad, with its deep Shia roots, also nurtured a branch of Hurufi thought, which later became evident during the Safavid era. Hurufi thought can be considered a form of unique mysticism present in certain intellectual and philosophical trends of the Safavid period. It is important to examine whether such ideas appear in Mir Damad’s texts. One key aspect of analyzing intertextuality in his works is identifying the influence of Hurufi thought. Although many have touched upon this topic, it remains ambiguous.

In jurisprudence and other seminary sciences, such as dirayat al-hadith, it is clear that Mir Damad inherited a legacy stemming from the Karaki family and other jurists of Jabal Amil. The rules of reasoning and various indicators within his works can clarify their intertextual dimensions. Additionally, his poetic language introduces another realm, rich with a variety of epistemological insights that permeate his writings. The blending of philosophy and theology, along with an interest in “natural sciences” (a branch of philosophy at the time that Mir Damad was particularly fond of), opens new avenues for understanding intertextual influences in his works. His texts also reveal traces of Greek thought and other elements that entered Iranian-Islamic culture through various channels.

Hurufi ideas, originating before the Safavid period, persisted beneath the surface of society during the Safavid era, often taking the form of Nuqtavi thought. Historical records from the reign of Shah Abbas I shed light on this period.

The Hurufis influenced the Safavid state, but their impact on the Turks and later the Qizilbash was even greater. The Turks initially embraced Hurufi thought, which later led them to Shia Islam. Hurufi ideology spread from Astarabad to Baku and Asia Minor, eventually influencing the Qizilbash. In that region, the Hurufis and Bektashis became two facets of the same intellectual movement, facing persecution and repression. Meanwhile, Shia thought from Astarabad extended to Herat, then to Qazvin, and finally to Isfahan.

Mashkoor notes that “Bektashi works were influenced by Hurufi teachings”⁴. He further explains that Ali al-A‘la, one of Fazlullah Astarabadi’s students and successors, converted Hajji Bektash and his followers in Asia Minor to Hurufi ideology. The Hurufi-influenced Shia thought of Astarabad spread among the Turks of Azerbaijan, nurturing the Qizilbash, who later became the backbone of the Safavid state.

This perspective originates from Fazlullah Astarabadi (740–796 AH). In those times, it was common for spiritual seekers to travel from city to city in pursuit of masters and mystical insights. Fazlullah embarked on such journeys, gaining interest and fame for his expertise in dream interpretation. In some cities, he faced opposition, as detailed in the Khwab-nama (Book of Dreams) by his student Sayyid Ishaq. His relationships with certain political figures also helped expand his influence, although others opposed him. It is said that he even met with Timur. Fazlullah was active in cities like Isfahan, Tabriz, Sabzevar, and Samarkand. His life, marked by movements guided by his dreams, ended in Baku and Shamakhi, territories under the Shirvanshahs. He was executed in 796 AH in the fortress of Alinjaq.

Fazlullah’s Jawidan Nameh Kabir, a significant work on Quranic interpretation, remains in the Gorgani dialect and spans over 850 printed pages. The book, written in 788 AH, explores the “unveiling of esoteric knowledge regarding the disjointed letters of the Quran” and includes interpretations of hadiths. Other works by Fazlullah and the Hurufis often bear the suffix -nameh, such as Arsh-nameh, Mahshar-nameh, and Nom-nameh. Some of these are extensive, while others are concise. A section of Jawidan Nameh Kabir titled Manamat is dedicated to Fazlullah’s dreams.

Fazlullah Astarabadi remains a remarkable yet enigmatic figure, with scattered references about him in historical sources. It is written about him:

“Sayyid Shah Fazlullah Hurufi, also known as Na‘imi Astarabadi, was skilled in the sciences of divine names, letters, jafr (numerical interpretation), and numerology. Miran Shah, the son of Timur and governor of Azerbaijan, executed him in 796 AH (1394 CE) and burned his body. He was the author of Jawidan Nameh Kabir and other works.”⁵

Fazlullah led a movement that spanned from Khorasan to the regions of Azerbaijan. During his time, Hurufi followers were present in many cities. In 830 AH (1427 CE), some Hurufis attempted to assassinate Shahrukh in the main mosque of Herat, which led to their mass persecution. It is recorded that Fazlullah’s daughter, along with many Hurufis, was killed during the reign of Sultan Jahan Shah.⁶

The leader of his followers was a man named Mawlana Yusuf, and Fazlullah’s daughter was also a prominent figure among them. This group, known for their unorthodox practices and accused of heresy and libertinism, could never openly practice their beliefs. The story of their persecution, including the execution of Fazlullah’s daughter, is detailed in Rawdat al-Jinan (1/479). Despite this, Fazlullah’s works were disseminated, and his students actively continued the movement.

Imad al-Din Nasimi, a prominent poet and disciple of Fazlullah, frequently mentioned Fazlullah in his poetry. The Encyclopedia of Persian Literature, edited by Anusha, states:

“Nasimi, in many of his poems, refers to Fazlullah Na‘imi:
The grace of God unveiled our secrets;
The grace of God revealed all our mysteries.”

Numerous other examples of his poetry are cited there⁷.

Nasimi, a leading Hurufi poet, was executed in 811 AH (1408 CE)—though other years have also been suggested—in Aleppo, where his skin was flayed by order of the Mamluk Sultan, al-Malik al-Mu’ayyad Sayf al-Din. Nasimi’s poetry symbolizes the Hurufi ideas of Astarabad. According to sources:

“Some say he was a Hurufi, while others claim he had knowledge of the secrets of letters. It is written that he was of Turkmen origin.” ⁸

Hurufi communities extended from Astarabad to Khorasan and Azerbaijan. Katibi Turshizi, one of Nasimi’s followers, passed away in Astarabad in 838 AH (1435 CE)⁹.

The clash between jurists and the Hurufis, as well as other esoteric groups, was a recurring theme during this period. The persecution of Hurufi scholars is often narrated by historians of the 9th and 10th centuries. Many of these figures are remembered as martyrs. The narrative frequently describes how exoteric scholars incited rulers to execute esoteric scholars, a story repeated in the cases of figures like Hallaj and Suhrawardi.

In one account, it is noted:

“In this land, the Hurufi group emerged, causing harm and destruction to society. Their notoriety will last until the Day of Judgment. It is incumbent upon you to eradicate this corrupt faction. This warning was conveyed to the king, and eventually, the scholars exaggerated the matter, issuing fatwas that eliminating this group was obligatory. They even stated that if the king showed negligence in this matter, he too should be removed from power.”

Nevertheless, Rawdat al-Jinan (1/480) offers a different perspective:

“It should not be overlooked that regarding Mir Fazlullah Na‘imi, many of the people of truth and spirituality believed there was no fault in him. He was a devout and ascetic individual who earned his livelihood through cap-making and did not consume the wealth of others. His only issue was that his followers misunderstood his teachings, falling into libertinism and heresy. May Allah protect us from the harm of evildoers by the Prophet and his pure family.”

It is repeatedly mentioned in sources that Imad Nasimi Shirazi was a disciple of Sayyid Fazlullah Astarabadi¹⁰. The connection between Shiraz, Astarabad, and Tabriz was notably close. Nasimi is believed to have been either from Shiraz or Tabriz.

The Shia foundation of this movement is evident in the abundance of poetry written about Imam Ali (a), much of which is marked by exaggeration. While some defend it under the pretext of literary expression, its overt hyperbole often distinguishes it.

A critical aspect of Hurufi thought is its continuation of the mystical ideas of Hallaj, which worried many jurists. Based on this perspective—and perhaps due to the Hurufis’ disregard for the outward aspects of religion—they were often declared heretics.

Core concepts of their belief system include wahdat al-wujud and hulul . The Hurufi theory of letters asserts that each of the 32 letters manifests divine attributes, serving as the basis for combinations of form, matter, and physical existence. This theory is central to Hurufi philosophy.

The discussion of “letters” and “numbers,” combining a kind of fabricated mathematics with religion to interpret theological issues, is fundamental to Hurufi thought. Their expression of these ideas often employed poetry and literary constructs, filled with unique and astonishing combinations.

Fazlullah’s influence on the Bektashi Shias in Asia Minor was significant, primarily through the dissemination of his Jawidan Nameh. One of Fazlullah’s disciples, Ali al-A‘la, promoted this book in Asia Minor, where it became a sacred text for the Bektashis.

Fazlullah’s mystical-philosophical ideas include unique ontological theories, traces of which may be found in the philosophical developments of the Safavid period. These ideas, rooted in Neoplatonic and Illuminationist (Ishraqi) traditions, diverge significantly from Peripatetic (Aristotelian) philosophy.

The later synthesis of philosophy and mysticism in Safavid-era Hikmat-e Yamani (Yemeni wisdom) and its emphasis on existential discussions may trace its roots to Hurufi thought. The theory of the primacy of existence (asalat al-wujud) shows a close relationship with the Illuminationist interpretations of being.

A general overview of these ideas can be found in Safa’s History of Persian Literature¹¹, which notes:

“According to the Hurufis, humanity is the ‘universal being’ and the grand archetype of creation. Humans are the ‘great intermediary,’ meaning that through knowing humanity, one can know the Divine. They further claim that God manifested Himself in the form of Adam, which is why angels were commanded to prostrate before him, and Iblis, who refused, became cursed and cast out. This manifestation of the Divine—better described as the incarnation of the Absolute Essence—repeated itself in the 120,000 prophets, all of whom faced tribulations and adversaries. The last of them is Fazlullah Na‘imi Astarabadi, whom the Hurufis call the ‘Supreme Martyr’ and the ‘Great Sacrifice.’”

The primary difference between Hurufi and Hallajian thought lies in the central role of Imam Ali (a) in Hurufi ideology, connecting it to Shia ghuluw. Nasimi writes:

“In the circle of existence, Ali is the essence.
In both worlds, Ali is the goal and purpose.
If the house of faith were not in ruins,
I would declare outright: Ali is the deity.”¹²

Nasimi’s Divan is filled with hyperbolic poetry about Imam Ali (a). Examples can be found in Diwan-e Farsi-e Sayyid Imad al-Din Nasimi¹³, particularly on pages 613–616.

This hyperbolic style is especially evident in the poetry of Astarabad, often in the form of quatrains.

The extent to which ancient Astarabadi thought influenced the formation of Mir Damad’s ideas remains unclear. However, if we accept the presence of hyperbolic Hurufi thought in Astarabad, one can find traces of it in the intellectual circles surrounding Mir Damad.

Hurufi Shia thought faced suppression by Arab jurists, and even Shah Ismail I did not tolerate it, possibly due to its political implications. Shah Tahmasb I strongly opposed it, and in later stages, Hurufi Shia ideas persisted covertly.

Mir Damad seems to have been influenced by both mainstream and Hurufi thought. During the Safavid period, Hurufi ideas reemerged as Nuqtavi doctrines, with their peak influence occurring under Shah Abbas I. However, Shah Abbas also suppressed the Hurufis, forcing many of them to flee to India¹⁴.

Zalali Khansari and Mir Damad: A Tale of Mawlana and Shams

One of the individuals closely connected to Mir Damad, and a successor of Hurufi thought, is Zalali Khansari. Zalali wrote extensively in praise of Mir Damad, and their mutual affection is evident in Zalali’s poetry. This bond can be seen in The Divan of Zalali Khansari, which contains hundreds of verses dedicated to Mir Damad:

“Baqir, the scholar, the divine luminary / A ray of illumination in the heart’s awareness.”¹⁵ “Baqir Damad, the possessor of a pure heart / The mirror of hidden truths at the assembly.”¹⁶

It is rare among Iranian scholars from the Safavid to the Qajar era to find a scholar praised in poetry as extensively as Mir Damad.

Mir Damad and Zalali were deeply devoted to one another, with Zalali under Mir Damad’s intellectual and spiritual guidance, reminiscent of the relationship between Mawlana and Shams. Zalali’s poetry contains elements of hyperbole and quasi-Hurufi themes. While Zalali was not from Astarabad, his close friendship with Mir Damad is noteworthy. This relationship, deeply spiritual and mutual, portrays both as immersed in the sea of illumination. Mir Damad, whose poetic name was Ishraq, conferred the title of “Hakim” (sage) upon Zalali.

In the preface to Husn-e Golosuz, Zalali mentions that Mir Damad gave him this title:

“And he bestowed upon this sorrowful flame the honorary title of ‘Hakim al-Ishraqi,’ crowning me with this dignified title.”

From the same preface, it is evident that Zalali, at Mir Damad’s request, engaged in certain mystical practices, such as retreats of forty days (cheleh-nishini):

“And the clay of the forty days of ‘I kneaded the essence of Adam’ absorbed the dew of three drops from the retreat’s nectar.”¹⁷

The author of this article further cites from Zalali’s third masnavi, Meikhaneh:

“From these expressions, it is clear that Zalali Khansari was devoted to dhikr (remembrance) and wird (litany), paying special attention to numerical and alphabetical calculations.”¹⁸

Zalali also refers to Mir Damad with Sufi and mystical terms such as pir (master) and murshid (guide):

“My guide, my elder, my master / Both reason and tradition seek his guidance.”¹⁹

The author notes:

“In his poetry, Zalali speaks openly of the spiritual rank and transformative power of his master. Such explicit mention of Mir Damad’s spiritual status is unique to Zalali’s verses.”²⁰

In another eulogy, Zalali highlights Mir Damad’s mastery over the occult sciences (p. 382). In verses about Muhammad Baqir Ishraq, Zalali weaves a story from Adam to Noah and Jesus, culminating in the emergence of Ishraq:

“Through the sea of the heart’s blood, I steered my vessel,
In the storm, I cast a radiant spark of ecstasy,
Until I carried Noah’s breath and Jesus’ spirit,
The martyr of love, slain by sorrow.
Wisdom declared under this inverted vault:
Muhammad Baqir Damad of Ishraq,
Through the Creator’s hand, His light descended,
Its grace poured into all His works.”²¹

The article further quotes Zalali’s long poem in praise of Mir Damad (Divan, pp. 513–515):

“These verses represent the most Hurufi-like composition by Zalali about Mir Damad and require careful decoding.”²²

While some might dismiss these poetic expressions as mere literary flourishes, they reflect the intellectual and spiritual currents of the time. Rather than directly seeking explicit Hurufi teachings in these texts, one should trace the evolution of ideas as they intersect with other intellectual movements, culminating in new frameworks.

Key Themes in Zalali’s Poetry About Mir Damad

One of Zalali’s lines that exemplifies his admiration is:

“Love is the altar of occurrence and pre-eternity,
Existence and non-existence are but four takbirs.”

Zalali often invokes the theme of ishraq in various combinations, such as:

*”The illumination of the Platonic cup”²³,
*”The shining preface of love’s pages,”
*”The radiant sun of illumination for time and earth,”
“The light of religion.”²⁴

Zalali’s hyperbolic admiration for Imam Ali (a) is evident in these lines:

“If I wish to say ‘God,’ I will say ‘Ali,’
God’s description and His praise were spoken by Mustafa (p).
If you wish to traverse the divine realm,
Become a Nusairi, become a Nusairi, become a Nusairi.”²⁵

Elsewhere, he writes:

“Indeed, He is a sign of His own being (meaning Ali),
Both the sign of God and His own sign.”²⁶

And:

“Unless you judge me astray,
I openly declare that I am an Ali-llahi.” ²⁷

Zalali’s Divan contains no explicit praise for Imams Hadi and Askari. While this absence might be due to omissions, Zalali’s identification as a Nusairi raises questions. Nasrabadi notes that Zalali wrote fourteen qasidas for each Imam²⁸, but these do not appear in the surviving Divan.

Zalali occasionally references reincarnation metaphorically, as in:

“I have inherited a tale,
Of the cycles of reincarnation upon which existence turned.”²⁹

His anti-Peripatetic stance and admiration for Illuminationist thought signal the emergence of Hikmat-e Yamani:

“From the cup of illumination, I drank,
And shattered the pitcher of Peripatetic thought upon its head.
… I erased the designs of false philosophy,
And imbued meaning with sincerity.
… From letters and points, I freed the soul,
Casting the pen into fire and the pages into water.”³⁰

The author of the article Mir Damad in Poetic Praises writes about a specific poem:

“These verses are Zalali’s most Hurufi-like composition about Mir Damad, undoubtedly requiring decoding. It seems that in the initial verses, Zalali subtly alludes to the doctrine of transmigration (tanasukh) and embodiment. His use of concepts such as point (nuqta), composition, division, talismans, and numerology recalls the esoteric and mystical atmosphere of extremist and Sufi movements during the Safavid era.”³¹

The poem includes the following lines:

“I transformed transmigration into a single letter,
And erased numbers into a solitary zero.
I cast the soul from letters and points,
Throwing the pen into fire and the pages into water.
From the geometric mim to the Kufic kaf,
I tore through the hearts and eyes of letters.
Through seventy-three lines in profound realms,
I tasted the flavor of meaning and letters.
By the knowledge of divine recognition throughout existence,
By the truth of truth, Ishraq is illumination.
Come and follow him, O friend,
Even his enemy finds their heart as his mirror.
Without his radiance, blooming is forbidden to me,
His door is but a step away from the garden of paradise.
Glory be to God, from Adam to the Seal (Muhammad),
Religion culminates in him, and God knows best.”³²

Letters, Numbers, and the Universe in Jadhawat

Hurufi and numerical analyses are prevalent in Mir Damad’s writings. He was deeply influenced by Plato, Pythagoras, and numerical, geometric, and alphabetical systems. In Jadhawat wa Mawaqit (pp. 133–134), he writes:

“In summary, the realm of letters corresponds to the realm of numbers, and the realm of numbers to the realm of the cosmos. The relationships in the lettered realm align with the numerical realm, and the numerical realm with the mixtures and interactions in the cosmic realm. Letters are like the arc, numbers like the chord, and the cosmos like the motion of a planet on its orbit. For every body, substance, nature, and temperament in the visible world, there is a corresponding name and spirit in the unseen realm. And with God, the Almighty and All-Knowing—glory be to Him—every letter is assigned an angel, and every name, a light from the transcendent lights, is entrusted to oversee it.”

Elsewhere, Mir Damad responds to Shahrastani’s critique of “letter symbolism,” where he questioned which language’s letters were referenced, given that each language has its own set of letters. Mir Damad asserts:

“Just as numbers do not differ, the twenty-eight letters—in their essence—do not vary across cities and regions. Fundamentally: Letters are the bodies, and numbers are the spirits.”³³

Such numerical and alphabetical analyses are abundant in Jadhawat. For example, “The Tenth Spark” in the book discusses “the essence of numbers, their levels, and characteristics”³⁴.

It is said that Mir Damad was influenced by Ibn Arabi’s numerical system, which specialists should examine. Recently, a book titled The Secrets of the Science of Letters in Ibn Arabi’s Fusus al-Hikam³⁵ has been published in Qom, providing a detailed account of Ibn Arabi’s views on numbers.

During Mir Damad’s lifetime, remarkable stories were shared about him. It was said that he frequently saw Aristotle and Plato in his dreams and discussed philosophical matters with them. His grandson, Mir Muhammad Ashraf, recounts some of these wonders, adding:
“Since these stories are in the form of a treatise, I refrained from mentioning them to avoid them being perceived as myths and to prevent disbelief in the unseen world.”³⁶

He further notes:

“… A type of miraculous occurrence was narrated during the reception of a letter (tawqi‘) from my grandfather. However, as recounting it might seem improbable to the readers of this note, I have omitted it.”³⁷

One tale recounts that a relative of Sheikh Baha’i claimed:

“During the circumambulation of the Kaaba during Hajj, someone handed me this letter and instructed me to deliver it to Mir Muhammad Baqir Damad. This writing was hidden inside a miswak stick.”³⁸

As mentioned earlier, little is known about Mir Damad’s life and that of his father. However, the author of Kholasat al-Ash‘ar, who met Mir Damad once in 988 AH and again in 993 AH, states that he studied in Mashhad before traveling to Qazvin and then to Isfahan (Kholasat al-Ash‘ar, Isfahan section, pp. 246–247).

In the 10th century, the intellectual heritage of Astarabad intertwined with that of Herat in Mashhad. Undoubtedly, Mir Damad was influenced by the doctrines of walayah in Astarabad. Further analysis using his works and other writings is essential to better understand this influence.

Collaboration with the Safavid State

A: Shah Abbas I’s Legal Inquiry to Mir Damad Regarding War with the Ottomans

Mir Damad was highly esteemed by Shah Abbas I, who consulted him on significant matters. The text of the Shah’s inquiry and Mir Damad’s response concerning the obligation of war against the Ottomans is as follows:

“What is the ruling of the esteemed scholar, the most honorable among researchers, the pinnacle of scholars and the beacon of truth and certainty, the support of all creation, the leader of the intellectuals, the resolver of problems with his sound reasoning, the illuminator of complexities with his insightful judgment, the sultan of steadfast scholars, the proof of divine philosophers, the inheritor of the sciences of prophets and messengers, the reviver of the traditions of his pure ancestors, the sun of the East and West, the full moon of both hemispheres, the third teacher—nay, the first teacher—whose revelation of truth pulls minds from delusion, a sign among the worlds, the epitome of jurists, the most learned of both predecessors and successors, the seal of mujtahids, and the namesake of the fifth immaculate Imam, Muhammad Baqir of the sciences of the ancients and moderns—may God preserve him in his position of guidance and ijtihad until the Day of Judgment?

In this legal matter, the Ottoman army has besieged the fortress of Dar al-Salam (Baghdad). Is it legally obligatory to fight, combat, and wage war against them? And is every believer who kills them seeking closeness to God considered a ghazi (fighter in the path of God), and every believer who is killed by them in this battle regarded as a martyr? Does fleeing from this war carry the same ruling as fleeing from a battle in the service of the Imam (peace be upon him)?”

Mir Damad’s response:

“In the name of God, the Most Merciful, the Most Compassionate. What has been written and requested from me aligns with the truth, the requirements of the sacred religion, and the rulings of Sharia regarding the mentioned issue. Fighting the Ottoman army besieging the fortress of Baghdad is a legitimate jihad and carries the same status as a battle in the camp of the rightful Imam. To abstain from this jihad is akin to fleeing from a battle against rebellious forces. Any believer who engages in this conflict with pure intentions, solely for the sake of God, is a ghazi in the path of God. If they are killed, they join the ranks of martyrs and deserve the status of martyrdom. God, the Almighty, establishes truth and guides the way.” (Seal of Mir Muhammad Baqir Damad)³⁹

B: Delivering the Inaugural Sermon for Shah Safi

Mir Damad played a key role during the accession of Shah Safi. It was customary for a leading scholar to deliver the inaugural sermon upon the enthronement of a new ruler. Mir Damad performed this duty. According to Mulla Kamal:

“Mir Muhammad Baqir Damad recited the inaugural sermon in the royal mosque in the name of the new Shah.”

It is conceivable that after Sheikh Baha’i’s death in 1030 AH, the position of Sheikh al-Islam was entrusted to Mir Damad. Even before that, his scholarly authority was firmly established. Eskandar Beg notes that by 1025 AH,

“The jurists of the time regarded his approval of legal opinions as authoritative.”

During Shah Safi’s reign, Mir Damad also led Friday prayers and recited prayers for the enduring prosperity of the state⁴⁰.

C: Mir Damad’s Prayer After Shah Safi’s Defeat by the Ottomans

One remarkable story, recounted by Mir Muhammad Ashraf, Mir Damad’s grandson, describes how Shah Safi sought Mir Damad’s assistance after a military defeat. When Khosrow Pasha advanced on Hamadan and the Qizilbash army fled,

“Finally, the noble Shah himself came to my grandfather and earnestly sought his help in turning away the ominous Ottoman forces. Accordingly, Mir Damad prayed and performed certain rituals. The enemy, along with their army, fled.”

The text of this prayer is preserved. When Mir Damad passed away on 24 Sha’ban 1040 AH, midway between Najaf and Karbala, he was taken to Najaf, where he was buried in the crypt of Sheikh Ali (Muhaqqiq Karaki), his ancestor.

In an untitled manuscript of uncertain fate—possibly published without my knowledge—there is a detailed letter from Mir Damad to Shah Abbas, included in Naghsh-e Khandan-e Karaki (pp. 410–415). In this letter, Mir Damad refers to opposition from scholars in the city and requests permission to go to Najaf, stating that he wishes, like other scholars there,

“to see his white beard dyed with the blood of martyrdom by the enemies of religion and to not be deprived of the rank of martyrdom.”

Mir Damad’s School in the Isfahan School of Thought

The concept of a “school of thought,” how it forms, and whether Mir Damad’s intellectual tradition constitutes such a school, has been widely discussed in the numerous books and articles written about him. It is generally accepted that his work represents a distinct intellectual tradition.

Scholars can be categorized into two groups:

1. The majority of scholars: These individuals adhere to established traditions, working within existing frameworks, teaching in seminaries, and contributing incrementally to the prevailing intellectual currents.
2. The innovators: These are scholars with the courage and capacity for deeper reflection, often driven by circumstances that demand the creation of a new school of thought. This occurs when traditional answers to longstanding philosophical or theological questions are deemed insufficient.

A school of thought is not entirely novel; its significance lies in its materials and formulation. It is crucial to identify the foundational elements and recognize the new structure or framework. A new intellectual school resembles an ancient building given a new façade. Through the methodology of intertextual analysis, one can trace its roots and underlying construction.

However, whether a school gains acceptance depends on numerous factors: political and cultural circumstances, the strength of its arguments, the terminology employed, the eloquence and writing style of its proponents, the influence of its disciples, and more.

Regarding Mir Damad and the Isfahan School that is adorned by his name, what can we say?

One critical task is to distinguish his school from other contemporary or adjacent schools. Notable among these is the School of Transcendent Philosophy (Hikmat al-Muta‘aliyah) of Mulla Sadra, one of his students. Additionally, earlier schools like the Astarabad, Herat, and Shiraz schools also played a role, incorporating elements of Ash‘arite theology, robust literary traditions, and a synthesis of philosophy, theology, hadith, and Quranic studies.

Often, a new school combines elements from previous schools that remain popular. Mir Damad achieved such a synthesis.

This synthesis also includes the enduring integration of Greek and Islamic traditions, a universal endeavor in Islamic philosophy. Mir Damad addresses this in Jadhawat, specifically in a section titled Refuting the Illusion of Contradictions Among Plato, Ibn Sina, and Later Thinkers. He writes:

“Let not the weak-minded or ill-prepared fall into the abyss of imagining that what lies within the folds of our words and the discourse of the leader of the Greeks—Plato the Divine—and other earlier masters of wisdom contradicts the conclusions of the Peripatetic teacher of Greece.” (Jadhawat, p. 115)

Ultimately, these thinkers were often grappling with a fundamental problem or question. For Mir Damad, critical issues included reconciling reason and tradition, heart and intellect, as well as addressing the eternity or creation (occurrence) of the universe. This latter issue—whether the universe is eternal (qidam) or created in time (huduth)—was central to the philosophical debates of his time. Mulla Sadra later resolved this dilemma through his theories of the primacy of existence (asalat al-wujud) and existential poverty (imkan al-faqri).

Before Mulla Sadra, theologians and devout philosophers, including Farabi, Ibn Sina, Nasir al-Din Tusi, and Mir Damad, were deeply engaged with this question, each offering their perspectives. Among them were moderate theologians who brought natural philosophy under their control to address the huduth and qidam debate. Mir Damad’s contributions must be evaluated in this broader intellectual and historical context.

What Can Be Said About Mir Damad’s School of Thought?

In my view, the first issue is that Mir Damad was a thinker—a person of intellectual depth. Here, thought refers to having a unique school of thought. His ideas, epistemological framework, methodology for connecting concepts, and external portrayal of his beliefs constitute elements that are either derived from various sources or result from his own reflections. Regardless, they form a distinct narrative. Mir Damad has a unique “table” where he has arranged his thoughts, and this arrangement differs from others in its internal organization, strengths, and distinctiveness.

When this new school is compared to earlier ones, its unique characteristics become apparent. Other thinkers with their own schools may share some structures, keywords, research methods, or derived principles with Mir Damad, but ultimately, their schools differ significantly for various reasons. These differences are substantial enough to consider them distinct schools of thought, even though they often stem from a shared foundation and add layers to it. Mir Damad, who has “his own distinct expressive language,” can be better understood through intertextual analysis, which can uncover the roots of his ideas.

Fayd Kashani also had his own school of thought, though he has often been accused of eclecticism. Regarding Mir Damad, it is worth examining how well he managed to transcend eclecticism and use “varied materials” to create a cohesive “genre” or “school,” possibly called the Yemeni School or something similar. Whether he succeeded remains uncertain, and it is still too early to make definitive judgments.

Hamid Dabashi, whose work was supervised by Seyyed Hossein Nasr, writes:

“The essence of the Isfahan School lies in its attempt to bring together the diverse and sometimes contradictory intellectual and rational traditions of Islam into an epistemologically and ontologically harmonious unity. Before witnessing the zenith of this movement in Mulla Sadra, we must consider the efforts of Mir Damad’s generation as its precursor.”⁴¹

This is a positive perspective, albeit one influenced by Nasr’s admiration for this intellectual approach.

Another issue is the temporal longevity of this school of thought. I believe its longevity was short-lived. With the rise of Mulla Sadra’s school and the continuation of other traditions and older scholastic systems, Mir Damad’s school soon became obsolete and relegated to the archives of history. While his works are still studied and occasionally referenced, the terminologies and system of his school have largely ceased to evolve.

The strengths and weaknesses of Mir Damad’s school are less significant than its connection to the broader intellectual framework of society. Part of this connection relates to religion. Safavid society leaned toward hadith-centered thought, and Mir Damad’s legacy included elements of hadith from the Najaf and Bahraini schools. However, his intellectual framework was more “philosophical-mystical-Hurufi,” expressed through poetic and literary language, along with crafted terminologies, many of which failed to gain broader acceptance.

Today, Mir Damad’s school remains a fascinating subject for those studying intellectual history. Much work remains to be done to understand his writings and the influences that shaped them through intertextual analysis.

During the later Safavid period, Mir Damad’s school lost its significance as hadith-centered thought became dominant, and philosophers were marginalized. The intellectual tradition supported by the final two Safavid rulers, aligned with the Khatunabadi school, overshadowed philosophical approaches. While Mir Damad’s texts later appeared alongside those of other schools in Tehran, their influence diminished, as evidenced by the limited number of surviving manuscripts.

Another critical question is the relationship between philosophy and society—specifically, how Mir Damad’s philosophy interacted with the Safavid era. This raises broader questions: To what extent do philosophical schools engage with their social environment? What happens when they do or do not? In the modern West, philosophy, through its thinkers, acts like a ladder, where each step builds upon the last, culminating in the development of Western civilization. From this perspective, what can be said about Islamic philosophy, including that of Mir Damad, Mulla Sadra, Fayd, and others?

In general, schools of thought in the Islamic world were closely aligned when traditional Islamic societies were intact. However, this connection was disrupted during the modern era, leading to misunderstandings. I raise this merely as a point for consideration. Overall, I believe that creating a link between philosophy and society in Islamic civilization has always been challenging.

Another issue is the transmission of schools of thought from one place to another. The results of intellectual efforts produce distinct ideas that spread over time and across geographies. Like flowing water, these ideas fill voids, nourish growth, or continue through barren lands only to fade. During the Safavid period, there was a significant migration of diverse ideas from Arab and non-Arab regions to Isfahan. Each region contributed its thinkers and ideas, which then converged in Isfahan. One such set of ideas was those of Astarabad, which, in my view, reached Isfahan through figures like Mir Fendereski and Mir Damad.

What intellectual space are we living in today? Are we in the era of Sadrian thought, Avicennian ideas, Sufi mysticism, Mir Damadian philosophy, or something else entirely? Or are we merely suspended in intellectual limbo?

1. Original paper
2. Jadhawat and Mawaqit, pp. 4–5
3. Rasul Jafariyan, The Role of the Karaki Family in the Establishment and Continuation of the Safavid State, Tehran: Elm, 1387 [2008].
4. Historical Studies, Vol. 4, No. 4, p. 136, article: The Hurufi Uprising in Tabriz
5. Athar Afrinan, 6/59
6. Rawdat al-Jinan, 1/478
7. Encyclopedia of Persian Literature in the Caucasus, pp. 567–571
8. Mashair al-Shuara, Ashiq Chalabi, p. 14
9. Majma‘ al-Fusaha, 4/93
10. Riyad al-‘Arifin, p. 153
11. Vol. 4, pp. 60–65
12. Riyad al-‘Arifin, Tehran, 1305, p. 153
13. ed. Sayyid Ehsan Shokr Khoda’i, Tehran, 1392
14. The Cambridge History of Iran: The Safavid Period, pp. 325–326
15. P. 190
16. P. 187
17. Kitab Guzar, Special Issue on Mir Damad, Fifth Volume, article: Mir Damad in the Mirror of Poetic Praises, p. 362
18. ibid., p. 369
19. ibid., p. 368
20. ibid., p. 377
21. Divan, pp. 494–497
22. Kitab Guzar, p. 388
23. Divan, p. 161
24. ibid., pp. 185, 416
25. Divan, p. 486
26. Divan, p. 288
27. Divan, p. 180
28. Tadhkirah Nasrabadi, p. 344
29. Divan, p. 754)
30. Divan, p. 514
31. Kitab Guzar, Special Issue on Mir Damad, Vol. 5, p. 388
32. Divan, pp. 513–515
33. Jadhawat, p. 135
34. Jadhawat, pp. 105–115
35. Hossein Tofighi, Nashr Adyan, 1400
36. Untitled Manuscript, personal copy of Ayatollah Haj Sayyid Mohammad Ali Rouzati, p. 6
37. ibid.
38. ibid.
39. Naghsh-e Khandan-e Karaki, p. 408
40. Naghsh-e Khandan-e Karaki, p. 409
41. The History of Islamic Philosophy, Hamid Dabashi, under the supervision of Nasr, p. 161