Cultural and Social Changes Reflected in the Inquiries Posed to Shaykh Haeri Yazdi During the First Pahlavi Period
By Shaykh Rasul Jafariyan1
Jurisprudential and legal texts have always been among the key sources for understanding the cultural and civilizational history of a society. Within the corpus of jurisprudential works, istiftāʾāt—that is, the legal questions posed by the public and the responses given by religious authorities—are particularly valuable because they refer to specific social situations and thus contain important information about the social and civilizational conditions of their time. For societies that lack abundant dedicated sources for studying their civilization, even such limited material is of great value.
The present article examines the intellectual and social conditions of the First Pahlavi period based on the istiftāʾāt of Ayatullah Haj Shaykh ʿAbd al-Karīm Ḥāʾirī (1859-1937), using them as a lens through which to explore the cultural and religious landscape of that era.
Introduction
The range of historical sources—particularly those concerning social history—varies among different societies and peoples. For instance, a group like the Arabs, who place great value on genealogy and have written extensively on lineages, differs from other nations, especially from more “civilized” societies that generally do not attach much importance to ancestry and therefore produce no such writings. This distinction, from the perspective of sources, means that genealogical works serve as an important historical reference for some, whereas others lack them altogether.
Similarly, certain literary genres function as reflections of social realities. For example, the composition of poetry using chronograms creates a unique type of historical record, even though such a practice may not exist in the poetic traditions of other cultures. The same applies to tazkira-writing (biographical anthologies of poets), which in some cultures provides valuable historical material. This issue becomes even more significant within the field of social history, where each person often possesses distinct types of sources that can reveal much about their social life and culture.
In this context, we intend to examine the book Istiftāʾāt of Ayatullah Haj Shaykh ʿAbd al-Karīm Ḥāʾirī, using it as a source to better understand the cultural, religious, and social history of a particular historical period. Typically, religious authorities have a risālah ʿamaliyyah—a practical treatise—comprising standard jurisprudential rulings organized by topic. However, over the years, these same authorities have received numerous inquiries from their followers regarding new, unusual, or practical cases, to which they provide specific responses. These inquiries and responses are known as istiftāʾāt. Such works, because they include discussions of social and civilizational matters, hold great historical value. The questions often reflect the most interesting issues occurring within society at the time, offering scholars a valuable window into the lived realities of that period.
Here, we have before us one such example of these books, pertaining to the period of the marjaʿiyyah of the late Haj Shaykh ʿAbd al-Karīm Ḥāʾirī (1276–1355 AH / 1859–1937 CE), covering a span of fifteen years—from 1301 to 1315 in the solar Hijrī calendar (1922–1936 CE). This collection consists of 1,134 questions and answers, compiled and organized according to the standard chapters of jurisprudence (abwāb fiqhiyyah).
Our study of this work—and the selected examples we present below—focuses on the new and unusual issues faced by Iranian society during this period. Among these are questions concerning various technical innovations and their religious rulings, discussions about the performance of fabricated or false mourning sermons (rawzeh) from the pulpit and related objections, as well as religious and doctrinal doubts that had arisen in society. Other questions include issues such as wearing European-style clothing, using a fork and knife, and similar topics that had become contentious. These were posed to Haj Shaykh ʿAbd al-Karīm, who provided answers to them.
It should be noted that the respondent here is a marjaʿ al-taqlīd—a source of emulation—who must simultaneously take into account at least three considerations. First, he must observe and uphold the divine rulings, as he has learned them through years of study, based on the Qur’an, Hadith, the jurisprudential works of the predecessors, and established methods of ijtihād. Second, he must consider the conditions of his own time—preserving people’s faith, showing forbearance toward them, and striving to maintain religiosity within the broader public. Third, in the case of Haj Shaykh ʿAbd al-Karīm, there was a particular emphasis on maintaining a calm and reform-minded approach, coupled with a cautious awareness of the transformations of the modern world, which he had to take into account when addressing contemporary jurisprudential issues.
Haj Shaykh ʿAbd al-Karīm is generally known as a composed and conciliatory marjaʿ, who lived through a sensitive period—on one side, the aftermath of the Constitutional Revolution, which had largely marginalized religion; and on the other, the reign of Reza Shah, who was actively working to diminish religious customs and replace them with symbols of modernity. His experience as a marjaʿ was itself an important and instructive one, often recounted among scholars in later generations. Indeed, Haj Shaykh’s tenure occupies a special place in subsequent religious history and is often regarded as representing a distinct and unique path among the marājiʿ.
In some of these istiftāʾāt, Haj Shaykh expresses particular insights regarding his own method and reasoning, which are noteworthy. Consider the following example:
Question: “Is it permissible to perform theatrical reenactments (taʿziya) during mourning ceremonies, to beat drums and play trumpets?”
Answer: “These very practices used to be common in Qom; but since they often led to other problematic matters, I personally requested that they be abandoned, and they were replaced with recitations of rawzeh (narrative lamentations).” (Question 539)
Through these istiftāʾāt, we aim to gain insight into the intellectual concerns, religious anxieties, and thought patterns of the devout community of that time. Our overall emphasis is that such works—particularly this one—are of great importance for understanding the religious and social history of that era. As for the late Haj Shaykh Ḥāʾirī himself, I have written about him several times elsewhere, so I will not repeat that here.
The questions posed in this collection are, for the most part, jurisprudential in nature. However, there are also a significant number of theological questions, including a fascinating series of inquiries comparing Christianity and Islam, which appear to be especially valuable. These are lengthy questions with equally detailed answers. In this article, due to their length, they are only summarized; but in other cases, where the exchanges are brief, the texts are reproduced almost verbatim.
The domain of modernity and its manifestations is one of the major themes addressed in these questions. For instance, one of the most frequently recurring issues concerns imitation of non-Muslims (tashabbuh bi’l-kuffār)—expressed through matters such as wearing European-style clothing, collars and neckties, using forks and knives, and other similar topics. These questions reflect the anxiety that even a reform-minded jurist such as Haj Shaykh ʿAbd al-Karīm Ḥāʾirī felt in confronting such cultural shifts.
When studying these istiftāʾāt, it should be kept in mind that some of the content may have been written by members of his legal inquiry committee (hayʾat al-istiftāʾ), and that certain longer responses may have been drafted by others. Nevertheless, all of the material was reviewed and approved by Haj Shaykh himself, which gives it authoritative weight.
These istiftāʾāt remained in manuscript form until they were edited by our friend, Ustadh Ahmad ʿĀbidī, and published in 2012 (1391 AH solar). Naturally, as it is an old and single-copy manuscript, there remain a number of difficult or uncertain readings. Hopefully, a more thoroughly revised edition will be produced and published in the future. It is worth adding that most of the questions are written without a direct address, sometimes beginning simply with “Bismillah”, but in certain cases, specific honorifics are used. These are of particular interest because they reveal the titles and epithets used at that time to address a marjaʿ al-taqlīd. Some examples include:
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Malādhānā (p. 70)
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Bāb al-Aḥkām (p. 119)
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Ḥujjat al-Islām (p. 148)
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Āyat Allāh fī al-ʿālamīn (p. 153)
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Nāʾib al-Imām (p. 156)
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Ḥaḍrat Āyat Allāh al-ʿUẓmā (p. 159)
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Āyat Allāh fī al-ʿālamīn (p. 206)
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Yā ḥāfiẓ al-muslimīn wa yā Āyat Allāh fī al-ʿālamīn (p. 321)
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Sharīʿatmadārā! Murawwij al-aḥkām! (p. 521)
The expression “bayyinū tuʾjarū” (“clarify and you shall be rewarded”), which was commonly used in older istiftāʾāt, appears only a few times here (p. 68). Typically, Haj Shaykh’s seal was placed beneath his answers. As noted, his seal bore the inscription: ʿAbd al-Karīm ibn Muḥammad Jaʿfar. In our own selection of materials, we have followed the order of the book’s pagination, although we have tried to group together questions that are thematically related.
Impurity and Purity of the Belongings of Non-Muslims and Related Matters
1. Medicines purchased from non-Muslims — whether from dhimmīs (protected non-Muslims) or non-dhimmīs, or from “non-Muslim doctors” (aṭibbāʾ al-kuffār) for medical treatment—be they solid or liquid—the ruling is that they are considered pure (ṭāhir) unless there is definite knowledge of impurity (najāsa). (p. 26)
2. Steam from impure water — regarding whether steam rising from impure water in a bathhouse, which then condenses on the ceiling and drips back down, is impure: if it is known that the droplet comes from the steam of impure water, the ruling is that it is impure (najis). (p. 27)
3. Association with a person suspected of disbelief — a person whose actions show opposition to the Jaʿfarī path and who associates and maintains ties with Bahāʾīs, but who “does not verbally profess such beliefs”: if one has certain knowledge of his disbelief (kufr), then one must not come into contact with him in a state of moisture. (p. 28)
4. Ruling on Bahāʾīs, Bābīs, Azalīs, and Shaykhīs — when asked whether the Bahāʾīs, Bābīs, and Azalīs are disbelievers, and whether the Shaykhīs are to be counted among the Bahāʾīs, the ruling states: “A disbeliever is one who denies God, or the Prophet, or one of the necessities of Islam, or believes that the Sharīʿah of the final Prophet has been abrogated.” (p. 43)
5. Oil imported from Europe or India — regarding mālt (likely malt oil) or other oils brought from foreign lands and obtained from non-Muslim hands: “If there is doubt regarding its impurity, there is no problem in using it.” (p. 45)
6. Shoes made with unknown tanning — regarding night shoes (shab-row): “For shoes made in Muslim lands and sewn by a Muslim’s hand, even if the buyer and seller have no certainty about whether the leather has been ritually purified (tadhkiya), it is permissible to use them, for the presumption of purity through Muslim ownership and market (yad wa sūq al-muslim) suffices.” (p. 290)
7. Transactions with Bahāʾīs — when asked about dealings with Bahāʾīs who were originally Zoroastrian or Jewish but left their faith and adopted another religion, and whether their property is to be respected, the reply was: “Their property is inviolable (muḥtaram) so long as they are not at war with Muslims (kāfir ḥarbī) or are living under the protection of Islam.” (p. 487)
8. Theft from People of the Book — when asked whether it is permissible to seize or steal the property of the People of the Book (ahl al-kitāb)—those who do not abide by the terms of dhimmah and are thus treated as non-protected disbelievers—in such a way that no harm comes to Muslims, and whether this requires the permission of a jurist, the answer was: “It is not permissible to steal from the People of the Book or to harm them, provided that they uphold the terms of dhimmah or that they are under Muslim protection.” (p. 507)
Newly Converted Jews — But…
A question was asked: Some Jews claim to have converted to Islam, yet their conversion is doubtful because “they avoid eating meat slaughtered by Muslims, as well as lard, oil, and other such things.” What is their ruling?
The response: “If it is certain that the Jew remains upon his Judaism, then his mere declaration of being Muslim is of no consequence.” (p. 35)
[This issue particularly concerned the Jews of Mashhad, who maintained their Jewish identity and practices while outwardly professing Islam.]
Another related question states:
“The Jewish community in these regions claims to have become Muslim, saying, ‘We are newly converted Muslims,’ yet they abstain from Muslim-slaughtered meat, lard, oil, etc. They neither give their daughters in marriage to Muslims nor take Muslim daughters as wives. Are they to be considered Muslims or not? And is it permissible for Muslims to use the same public bathhouses as them—that is, to come into contact with them while wet? If we are certain they are lying and remain Jews, what is the ruling?”
The reply:
“Indeed, if it is certain that the Jew remains upon his Judaism, then his claim of having become Muslim carries no weight.” (pp. 504, Q. 1042)
In another question:
“What is the ruling if a group of Jews formally converted to Islam, and for a time observed Islamic duties—attending mosques, participating in congregational prayers, and maintaining contact with religious scholars—but then one of them later converted to the Bahāʾī faith and now serves as a missionary for them? Is such a person an apostate by birth (murtadd fiṭrī) or apostate by national affiliation (murtadd millī)?”
The answer:
“In the given case, such a person is a murtadd millī. Therefore, his previous transactions remain valid, and it is permissible, in accordance with Islamic law, for Muslims to rent his bathhouse or other properties without issue.” (p. 503)
The phenomenon of Jews converting to the Bahāʾī faith in Iran was both curious and widespread.
Government Property — Lawful or Unlawful?
The concept of a usurping government (ḥukūmat ghāṣib) has always created financial and ethical dilemmas for devout believers. Employment with the state or use of government property often raised religious concerns.
Several related questions were asked:
1. Government funds used in holy shrines — If the water used in sacred sites and shrines (amākin mutabarraka) was funded by state money—possibly derived from taxes—what is the ruling on performing ablution (wuḍūʾ) with it?
“The ruling is that the ablution is valid.” (p. 38)
This refers to the belief that taxation was unlawful, so expenditures from it created doubts about the permissibility of using such facilities.
2. Bread made from government-supplied wheat — A more detailed question from Tehran reads:
“All bakeries in Tehran receive wheat from the government’s supply office (Edāreh Arzāq Dawlati). Naturally, all this wheat comes from one of three sources: taxes, state-owned lands (amlāk khāliṣah), or government purchases made with state funds. Apparently, this makes it either illicit (ḥarām muḥaqqaq) or of unknown ownership (majhūl al-mālik). What should the people do regarding such bread?”
A related question adds:
“Most people in government departments earn their living from state salaries; their homes, furnishings, and goods are all purchased with this money. Tradesmen, in turn, do business with these employees, so all financial dealings are mixed with such doubtful income. Government offices and ministries are frequented daily by the public. Truly, living in Tehran with complete caution is exceedingly difficult. I request permission to use property of unknown ownership and to perform prayer in such homes or trade in such goods.”
The reply:
“When property is of unknown ownership (majhūl al-mālik) and its true owner is completely unknown, and you have no alternative but to use it, I grant you permission to use it—on the condition that, to the best of your ability, you give some portion in charity to poor and modest Muslims whom you personally know.” (pp. 535–536)
3. State employee seeking lawful income — Another question reads:
“A man employed in road and street maintenance, constantly moving from one place to another, is poor. He requests permission that the salary he receives be considered charity on behalf of its rightful owner, or that you prescribe another way to make his income lawful.” (p. 61)
This refers to the practice whereby government salaries—deemed illicit—could be made lawful through symbolic transfer or authorization by a qualified jurist.
Recitation of Mourning Narratives (Rawzeh-khwānī) and Its Related Issues
Numerous questions in these istiftāʾāt concern rawzeh reciters and the practice of narrating the events of Karbala. A portion of these questions deals with recounting stories from unreliable or fabricated sources.
One preacher asked: “If during the day, while fasting, I narrate such stories and ascribe a doubtful statement to an Infallible, does this invalidate the fast?”
He then gave examples:
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In one narration, it is said that Imam Ḥusayn (a) told Ḥabīb b. Muẓāhir at the time of farewell, ‘You are a reciter of the Qur’an.’ But the book actually places this statement not at the farewell but when the Imam came to his bedside.
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In another, it is said that when Imam Ḥusayn (a) bid farewell to Sukayna, who was weeping, he wiped her tears—but the preacher later doubted whether this actually occurred.
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In a third, while recounting the Imam’s conversation with the enemy, upon hearing the wailing of the women, the preacher said the Imam told ʿAbbās and ʿAlī Akbar, ‘Go and silence them, for the enemy mocks us.’ Yet, in the source, the word “go” does not appear; only ‘silence them’ is mentioned.
He then asked: Are these fabrications? And if I said them unintentionally or mistakenly while fasting, but later suspected I might have said them deliberately, what is the ruling?
Answer:
If one has read the material in a book, he should narrate it explicitly as a report from that book—that is, say, “It is written in such-and-such book.” Doing so does not harm the fast, because in that case the falsehood is attributed to the author of the book, not to the Imam. However, if it is certain that the Imam never said it, and one asserts it as fact, then with certainty of false attribution, it falls under the category of lying upon an Infallible, which invalidates the fast. (pp. 90–91)
Income from Rawḍah Recitation
A question was asked about how to calculate the khums for income from rawzeh recitation. The ruling:
If one knows the start date of their annual cycle, they should use that as their fiscal year; whatever they have earned so far, they must now pay its khums, and thereafter fix a specific day each year for that purpose.
Attending Gatherings with Questionable Content
Another inquiry concerned attending mourning gatherings where the preachers recite false or unreliable reports and sometimes mix them with other discussions: “For us, the listeners, is attending such gatherings permissible or not?”
Answer:
“InshāʾAllāh, your attendance is not problematic, since their falsehood is not certain.” (p. 492)
On Statements about the Imams’ Status
A preacher had made some statements about the spiritual rank of an Imam, which the questioner thought excessive. Haj Shaykh responded:
“If those statements are consistent with what is found in Ziyārat al-Jāmiʿah, then there is no objection.” (p. 471)
Regarding Rewards Mentioned in Supplications
Someone asked about narrations promising immense forgiveness for reciting certain supplications—for example, “So many sins will be forgiven”—and whether it is believable that one can sin freely and then have all forgiven simply by reciting a duʿāʾ.
Answer:
“It is not far-fetched (istibʿād nadārad) that such statements refer to repentance or something akin to it.” (p. 475)
Endowed Properties for Rawḍah and Shrines
A question asked: “Some endowed properties for rawḍah recitation or for lighting holy shrines were seized—by the state or by others—and are now lost. Is it permissible to transfer ownership of such property to someone who can restore it to its endowment (waqf) status?”
Answer:
“No, it is not permissible to claim ownership. However, if money is given as a reward (juʿālah) to someone to recover the property from wrongful possession, there is no problem.” (p. 155)
This reflects the concern over state appropriation of endowed (waqf) properties during that period.
On Vows and Offerings
Another question: “In the villages, it is customary that some people make vows (nadhir) by donating cloths to be tied to the standards (ʿalam). Is it permissible to sell those cloths and use the proceeds for mourning ceremonies or for maintaining the mourning hall?”
Answer:
“There is no objection.” (p. 242)
A considerable number of questions address property endowed for mourning ceremonies and rawḍah recitation, covering various legal and practical circumstances. (pp. 166–168, 173–174, 180–181, 186, 195, 219, 239, 328, 345–346, 440)
New Civilizational Changes and Their Jurisprudential Rulings
A question was asked: “Is the statement of a ship’s captain regarding the direction of the qiblah—when he is knowledgeable about the directions of various lands—considered valid?”
Ruling: “In such circumstances, the captain’s statement is indeed valid.” (p. 62)
Another question stated: “Our master, the British government brings fish eggs from other regions and releases them into springs or rivers. By the perfect power of the Almighty Creator, fish are born and grow there. Often these fish are placed in enclosed waterways or mesh-covered rivers so that they cannot escape. Please clarify whether catching such fish without the owner’s permission is permissible, and what if some fish happen to escape the enclosure and enter other waters?”
Answer: “They must not be caught without the owner’s permission.” (p. 414)
(This question refers to the British authorities introducing fish eggs into Iranian waters.)
Another inquiry asked: “While in a state of iḥrām (during pilgrimage), if one sits inside a covered automobile or airplane, does each instance require a separate expiation (kaffārah), or is one expiation sufficient for multiple occasions?”
Answer: “Apparently, a single expiation suffices for all instances.” (p. 146)
It is noteworthy that this question was posed before the death of Haj Shaykh in 1936 (1315 SH), indicating that issues relating to automobiles and airplanes were already reaching juristic attention in his time.
A question was also asked about lottery-style sales: “Some people sell goods as a form of gambling—for example, in every hundred boxes of sweets or cigarettes, they place one one-toman bill. Because of this, buyers pay one toman for a box of cigarettes worth only ten shāhīs, hoping to win the inserted money and ‘test their luck.’ Is such a transaction valid?”
Answer: “The validity of such a transaction is doubtful.” (p. 282)
Regarding artificial teeth during prayer, the question was: “What is the ruling on wearing false teeth while praying?”
Ruling: “There is no problem.” (p. 84)
Transferring Corpses to the Holy Shrines (ʿAtabāt)
One detailed question discussed various methods of preserving bodies that were to be transported to the sacred shrines in Iraq, according to the deceased’s will: “Some place the body inside a coffin within a trench in the ground… some lay it as though in the position of prayer… some do this without a coffin… others place it in a trench similar to a legal burial, and some, out of caution, bury it fully in a proper grave (laḥd) temporarily.”
Answer:
“It is better to bury the body in a proper Islamic burial, and when the time of transport arrives, the grave may be exhumed.” (p. 203)
Several other questions were also posed on the transportation of bodies to the holy shrines, with corresponding rulings provided (for example, pp. 209, 210, 212).
Drawing and Its Ruling
A question was asked regarding painting:
“Ḥujjat al-Islām! Āyat Allāh! What is your opinion on the issue of painting? Is all painting in every form forbidden? Or is it only the depiction of beings possessing souls (dhawī al-arwāḥ) that is prohibited, while other forms—such as landscapes, flowers, and fruits—are permissible? If depicting living beings is problematic, does a partial image—such as half a human body—also fall under prohibition? And what about a profile showing only one eye, one eyebrow, and one side of the nose and mouth—is that considered a complete or incomplete image? Are depictions of dead humans or animals treated like depictions of the living, or are they considered non-living forms? Finally, if someone has no means of livelihood other than painting, and is compelled to paint for a living, is it still forbidden for such a person, or is it permissible?”
Answer:
“Depicting non-living forms (ghayr dhawī al-arwāḥ) is not forbidden, nor is drawing incomplete images of living beings. The criterion for what is considered complete or incomplete depends on customary perception (ʿurf). There is no difference between depicting the dead or the living. However, lacking a lawful profession does not justify engaging in an unlawful one.” (p. 437)
Theatrical Reenactments (Taʿziyah) and Mourning Plays for Imam Ḥusayn (a)
A question was posed: “What is the ruling on taʿziyah performances for Sayyid al-Shuhadāʾ (a), in which men wear women’s clothing, recite fabricated verses, and commit certain forbidden acts?”
Answer: “Given these conditions, the impropriety of such practices is evident.” (p. 439)
Another question asked: “In the taʿziyah of Sayyid al-Shuhadāʾ (a), is it permissible to bring actors representing the martyrs of Karbala and the captives, including men acting as the women of the Imam’s family, and to use drums and cymbals?”
Answer: “Performing taʿziyah for Sayyid al-Shuhadāʾ (may our souls be his ransom) is among the highly recommended acts, provided that it does not involve drums and cymbals. As a precaution, it should also avoid the common practice of cross-gender impersonation.” (p. 508)
Another inquiry stated: “Is it permissible to use theatrical imitation (shabīh āvardan), drum-beating, and trumpet-blowing during mourning ceremonies?”
Answer: “These very practices were once common in Qom. However, since they often led to other problematic matters, I personally requested that they be discontinued, and they were replaced with rawḍah recitation.” (p. 539)
Yet, another question received a different answer: “It is customary in these regions that during ʿĀshūrāʾ and similar occasions, people create a representation of Dhū al-Janāḥ (the horse of Imam Ḥusayn) and perform chest-beating (sīneh-zanī) around it. Since such a representation stirs sorrow and brings tears to the eyes of the faithful, is it permissible and commendable to do so?”
Answer: “There is no prohibition in doing so; in fact, it is not devoid of merit.” (p. 541)
Belief in Rajʿah (Return of the Imams) — Not a Necessity of the Faith or Sect
A question was asked regarding rajʿah (the return of certain believers and disbelievers before the Day of Judgment)—an issue that, during Ayatullah Ḥāʾirī’s period of leadership, had become a matter of public debate, with some expressing doubt.
“It has been reported that His Eminence, Āyatullāh, has said: ‘Belief in rajʿah is neither a necessity of religion nor of the madhhab (sect).’ Yet, many distinguished scholars have argued for it using over a dozen Qur’anic verses and numerous mutawātir (mass-transmitted) reports, as well as explicit references in authentic ziyārah texts such as Ziyārat al-Wārith, Ziyārat al-Arbaʿīn, Ziyārat al-Sardāb al-Muṭahhar, Ziyārat of the Prophet and the Imams, Ziyārat of the Third of Shaʿbān and Rajabiyyah, Ziyārat al-Jāmiʿah, Duʿāʾ al-ʿAhd, and others. We request a brief clarification—how is this not a necessary doctrine of the faith?”
Answer: “I have written an explanation on this matter, which has been printed and published—please refer to it. In short: I personally believe in rajʿah, and there is sufficient evidence for its truth. However, it is not among those beliefs whose denial, out of mere doubt, would take a person out of Islam or the Shīʿī madhhab.” (pp. 440–441)
This refers to the same istiftāʾ that was published during his lifetime in the Humāyūn journal of Qom.
Sayyid Ali studied in the seminary of Qom from 2012 to 2021, while also concurrently obtaining a M.A in Islamic Studies from the Islamic College of London in 2018. In the seminary he engaged in the study of legal theory, jurisprudence and philosophy, eventually attending the advanced kharij of Usul and Fiqh in 2018. He is currently completing his Masters of Education at the University of Toronto and is the head of a private faith-based school in Toronto, as well as an instructor at the Mizan Institute and Mufid Seminary.